Jombang, East Java – August 29, 2015 – In a move widely regarded as a significant step towards reinforcing its identity as a purely religious and social organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia’s largest Islamic organization, enacted a groundbreaking rule prohibiting its two highest-ranking officials – the Rais Aam (Supreme Leader) and the Ketua Umum (General Chairman) – from simultaneously holding political office. The decision, reached through consensus at the 35th NU Muktamar (Congress) held at Pondok Pesantren Bahrul Ulum, Tambakberas, Jombang, East Java, on Saturday, August 29, 2015, marks a pivotal moment in the organization’s long and complex relationship with state politics. The resolution, finalized during the Organizational Commission meeting, stipulates a comprehensive ban on political dual-hatting for these two critical leadership positions. This includes holding roles such as Party Chairman, Speaker or Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives (DPR), Regional Representative Council (DPD), or provincial/regency legislative bodies (DPRD), as well as President, Vice President, Governor, Deputy Governor, Regent, Deputy Regent, or Minister. While initially anticipated to be a contentious debate, the deliberations concluded smoothly, embodying NU’s traditional approach to problem-solving through musyawarah mufakat (deliberation for consensus). KH M Asrorun Niam, who chaired the Organizational Commission session and serves as Katib Syuriah (Secretary of the Supreme Council) of PBNU (Central Board of Nahdlatul Ulama), expressed surprise at the ease with which the agreement was reached. "Beyond public expectation, where discussions were thought to be prolonged, convoluted, and heated, the NU path always finds compromises," Asrorun Niam remarked following the session, underscoring the organization’s unique ability to navigate complex issues. Chronology of the Deliberation: Forging Consensus in Jombang The decision was the culmination of an intense, albeit ultimately harmonious, deliberative process within the Organizational Commission. The 35th Muktamar, a quinquennial event that serves as NU’s highest decision-making body, had convened thousands of delegates from across Indonesia and abroad to discuss a myriad of issues pertinent to the organization’s future direction, ranging from religious scholarship to social programs and internal governance. The question of leadership’s political involvement had long been a sensitive topic, reflecting NU’s historical oscillations between direct political engagement and its role as a socio-religious movement. The specific deliberations on the ban on dual political office-holding took place behind closed doors, a standard practice for sensitive internal discussions aimed at fostering an environment conducive to open dialogue without external pressures. Prior to the session, the organizing committee had prepared two primary options for the delegates, or muktamirin, to consider. Option A proposed maintaining the existing regulations, which were less stringent regarding political appointments for top leaders. Option B, on the other hand, suggested a slight modification to the existing rules, primarily focusing on removing the word ‘minister’ from the list of prohibited dual positions for the General Chairman, implying a potential relaxation for ministerial roles while maintaining other restrictions. However, the delegates, representing the diverse views and aspirations of NU’s vast membership, ultimately opted for a "middle ground" solution that transcended both initial proposals. This third path, which emerged through robust but ultimately respectful discussions, represented a significant departure from the status quo. It solidified a stricter prohibition on political roles for the Rais Aam and Ketua Umum than either Option A or B had initially envisioned. This capacity for finding an innovative, unifying solution, often outside the pre-defined parameters, is a hallmark of NU’s traditional deliberative style, prioritizing collective wisdom over predetermined frameworks. KH M Asrorun Niam elaborated on this outcome, stating, "The agreed result is specifically for the mandate holders of the Muktamar, namely the Rais Aam and also the Ketua Umum, who are not allowed to hold political office concurrently." He emphasized that this decision was achieved not through a divisive voting process, which often characterizes political assemblies, but purely through musyawarah mufakat. "That is the extremely wise way out, without voting, and it was taken through deliberation for consensus with full joy," Asrorun Niam affirmed, highlighting the deep satisfaction and unity that accompanied the final resolution. The absence of a formal vote, particularly on such a potentially divisive issue, underscored the profound cultural and spiritual significance of consensus-building within the NU framework, where unity and shared understanding are paramount. Supporting Data and Context: Understanding NU’s Leadership and Rationale To fully grasp the magnitude of this decision, it is essential to understand the unique leadership structure of Nahdlatul Ulama and the philosophical underpinnings that guided the delegates in Jombang. NU, established in 1926, is not merely an organization; it is a movement that encompasses millions of adherents, thousands of Islamic boarding schools (pesantrens), universities, and social institutions across Indonesia. Its influence extends far beyond religious life, deeply impacting the social and political fabric of the nation. NU’s Dual Leadership System: At the apex of NU’s organizational structure are two distinct yet complementary leadership roles: Rais Aam (Supreme Leader): This position holds the highest spiritual and moral authority within NU. The Rais Aam is typically a highly respected scholar (ulama) whose primary responsibility is to provide religious guidance, uphold NU’s traditional values, and ensure the organization adheres to its foundational theological principles. Their role is largely advisory and supervisory, embodying the spiritual compass of the organization. Ketua Umum (General Chairman): This role is the highest executive position, responsible for the day-to-day management and operational leadership of the organization. The Ketua Umum oversees the implementation of policies, coordinates various programs, and represents NU in external affairs. While holding significant executive power, their actions are always guided by the spiritual direction of the Rais Aam and the broader Syuriah (Supreme Council). The decision at the 35th Muktamar specifically targeted these two positions, recognizing their symbolic and functional importance as the "mandate holders of the Muktamar." Asrorun Niam’s explanation further clarified the scope of the ban: it encompasses a broad spectrum of political offices, including: Party Chairman (Ketua Partai) Leaders (Speaker/Deputy Speaker) and Members of the House of Representatives (DPR) Leaders and Members of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) Leaders and Members of Provincial and Regency Legislative Councils (DPRD) President Vice President Governor Deputy Governor Regent (Bupati) Deputy Regent (Wakil Bupati) Minister The Nuance of the Ban: Crucially, the new rule makes a clear distinction: Prohibited for Rais Aam and Ketua Umum: Directly holding any of the aforementioned political offices. Permitted for Other Officials: Other NU officials below the level of Rais Aam and Ketua Umum – including members of the Central Board (PBNU) and regional boards – are still allowed to hold political positions, including ministerial roles. This demonstrates a strategic intent to insulate the top spiritual and executive leadership from direct political entanglement while not completely divorcing the organization from the political arena through its broader membership. Distinction between Political Office and Party Management: Asrorun Niam explicitly clarified, "So there’s a difference between political office and party management." This means that while the Rais Aam and Ketua Umum cannot hold formal governmental or legislative positions, the ban does not necessarily extend to being a member of a political party or engaging in general political discourse as an ordinary citizen, as long as it does not constitute a formal "political office." The focus is squarely on preventing the direct conflict of interest that arises from simultaneously holding a high NU leadership role and a state political position. The Rationale: Siyasatul Ulya vs. Siyasatud Dunia The core philosophical justification for this stringent rule lies in NU’s understanding of its mission and the distinct domains of spiritual leadership versus worldly affairs. Asrorun Niam eloquently articulated this: "Because the Ketua Umum and also the Rais Aam are the mandate holders of the Muktamar who become the symbol of the organization’s leadership. They carry out duties as siyasatul ulya, high politics [of the organization]. Meanwhile, the matter of political office is siyasatud dunia, worldly affairs." Siyasatul Ulya (High Politics of the Organization): This refers to the overarching vision, spiritual guidance, and ethical direction that NU’s top leaders are expected to provide. It involves safeguarding the organization’s religious principles, promoting social harmony, fostering education, and ensuring the well-being of the Muslim community through its own distinct values and methods. This domain demands undivided attention, impartiality, and a focus that transcends partisan interests. Siyasatud Dunia (Worldly Affairs/Politics): This refers to the practical governance of the state, including policy-making, administration, and legislative processes. While essential for societal order, these roles inherently involve partisan loyalties, electoral competition, and the pursuit of specific political agendas, which can potentially compromise the neutrality and spiritual authority of a religious leader. By separating these two domains at the highest leadership level, NU aims to ensure that its Rais Aam and Ketua Umum can dedicate themselves entirely to the siyasatul ulya, providing unwavering moral and spiritual leadership without being perceived as biased or compromised by direct involvement in the often turbulent and divisive world of state politics. This decision reflects a profound desire to re-emphasize NU’s role as a moral compass and a unifying force, rather than a political instrument. The choice of Jombang, a regency in East Java, as the venue for this historic Muktamar further imbues the decision with symbolic weight. Jombang is often referred to as the "City of Santri" and is a historically significant center for NU, being the birthplace of its founder, Hasyim Asy’ari, and home to numerous influential pesantren. Holding such a pivotal congress in this spiritual heartland underscored the organization’s commitment to its foundational principles. Official Responses and Justifications: The "NU Way" KH M Asrorun Niam’s pronouncements following the Organizational Commission meeting served as the primary official response, articulating the consensus and its underlying rationale. His initial surprise at the smooth conclusion of what was expected to be a contentious debate was a key takeaway, reflecting the power of NU’s internal dynamics. "Di luar ekspektasi publik, dianggap pembahasan akan mengambil waktu yang panjang, kemudian bertele-tele, dan keras. Tetapi jalan NU selalu menemukan kompromi-kompromi," (Beyond public expectation, where discussions were thought to be prolonged, convoluted, and heated. But the NU way always finds compromises), he reiterated, highlighting the organization’s unique ability to bridge differences. Asrorun Niam consistently framed the outcome as a triumph of musyawarah mufakat and a testament to NU’s distinct approach to governance. He emphasized that the consensus was reached "without voting," signifying a profound unity of purpose rather than a mere majority decision. This approach, deeply rooted in Islamic jurisprudence and Indonesian cultural traditions, prioritizes collective wisdom and mutual agreement, aiming for a solution that all parties can accept wholeheartedly, even if it wasn’t their initial preference. His explanation of the siyasatul ulya versus siyasatud dunia dichotomy was central to justifying the new regulation. By portraying the Rais Aam and Ketua Umum as symbols of organizational leadership and custodians of NU’s "high politics," he underscored the necessity of their detachment from the "worldly affairs" of state politics. This separation, he argued, is not a withdrawal from engagement with societal issues, but rather a strategic repositioning to exert influence through moral authority and spiritual guidance, rather than direct political power. The decision, in his view, was a "wise" one, designed to strengthen the organization’s identity and focus. Implications and Future Outlook: A New Chapter for NU The decision made at the 35th NU Muktamar in Jombang carries profound implications for Nahdlatul Ulama’s future trajectory, its internal governance, and its broader role in Indonesian society and politics. 1. Strengthening NU’s Neutrality and Independence: The most immediate and significant implication is the bolstering of NU’s perceived neutrality and independence. By explicitly barring its top two leaders from holding political office, the organization signals a clear intent to distance its core leadership from partisan politics. This move is designed to prevent conflicts of interest, reduce the perception of political manipulation, and allow the Rais Aam and Ketua Umum to focus entirely on religious, educational, and social welfare programs without the pressures of political expediency. It aims to solidify NU’s image as a moral arbiter and a guardian of national unity, capable of engaging with all political factions without being beholden to any. 2. Enhancing Internal Governance and Organizational Purity: Internally, the new rule is expected to foster greater organizational purity and strengthen the spiritual mission of NU. It reinforces the idea that leadership within NU is primarily a service to the ummah (community) and a commitment to religious values, rather than a stepping stone to political power. This could potentially reduce internal politicking driven by external political ambitions, allowing leaders to dedicate more energy to the organization’s core mandates of promoting moderate Islam (Islam Nusantara), education, and social empowerment. It also sets a precedent for ethical leadership, emphasizing selflessness and devotion over personal gain or political leverage. 3. Impact on the National Political Landscape: While the ban applies only to NU’s internal leadership, its ripple effects could be felt in the broader Indonesian political landscape. Shift in Political Engagement: NU, as a massive grassroots organization, has always been a significant political force, albeit one that officially dissolved its political party in 1984 to become a Jam’iyah Diniyah Ijtima’iyah (religious and social organization). This decision could further cement its role as an influential civil society actor that engages with politics through advocacy and moral persuasion, rather than direct political representation at the highest level. Opportunities for Other Leaders: With the top two positions insulated, ambitious NU cadres who aspire to political office will need to pursue these avenues independently, potentially creating a clearer distinction between their organizational and political identities. This might encourage a new generation of NU-affiliated politicians who are not directly tied to the organization’s spiritual and executive apex. Influence on Other Organizations: This landmark decision could inspire other large religious or social organizations in Indonesia to review their own internal rules regarding leadership and political involvement, potentially fostering a broader trend towards the depoliticization of top religious leadership. 4. Challenges and Opportunities: The implementation of this new rule will not be without its challenges. Ensuring strict adherence, particularly in a political culture where religious leaders often hold significant sway, will require consistent vigilance. There might also be debates on the interpretation of "political office" in nuanced situations. However, the opportunities are substantial. This move offers NU a chance to reassert its moral authority, solidify its independence, and deepen its focus on its core mission of promoting moderate Islam, fostering interfaith harmony, and empowering its vast community through education and social development. By symbolically retreating from the direct levers of state power at its very top, NU paradoxically positions itself to wield greater influence as a principled and respected voice in Indonesian society. The 35th NU Muktamar’s decision in Jombang thus marks a deliberate and strategic pivot. It is a testament to the organization’s capacity for introspection and adaptation, reflecting a commitment to ensuring that its spiritual and executive leadership remains untainted by the exigencies of partisan politics. By embracing the path of siyasatul ulya for its Rais Aam and Ketua Umum, Nahdlatul Ulama embarks on a new chapter, reinforcing its identity as a beacon of religious wisdom and social action, firmly rooted in its traditions yet dynamically responding to the evolving needs of the nation. Post navigation Indonesia Embarks on Major Data Overhaul to Revolutionize Social Welfare Delivery
